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Chance the Democrat wins (55.8%)
Chance the Republican wins (44.2%)
We'll be updating our forecasts every time new data is available, every day through Nov. 6.
The Classic version of our model projects a race’s outcome by taking a weighted average of polls of a district (if available), polls of similar districts (CANTOR) and non-polling factors (fundamentals). It is then reverted toward a mean based on long-term trends in midterms and presidential approval ratings.
R+0.4
Adjusted polls
D+0.9
CANTOR
D+2.8
Fundamentals
D+2.6
Experts
R+0.4
Lite
D+0.8
Classic
D+1.4
Deluxe
<0.1
<0.1
Historical adjustment
Key
More weight
Less
We've collected two polls for the Minnesota 1st. We’re adjusting poll results in three ways: Polls of registered voters or all adults are adjusted to a likely-voter basis; older polls are adjusted based on shifts in the generic congressional ballot since the poll was conducted; and polls are adjusted for house effects (the tendency for a firm’s polls to lean toward Democrats or Republicans). Polls with larger sample sizes and those conducted by higher-quality polling agencies are given more weight, as are more recent polls.
Adjustments | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
dates | pollster | sample | weight | Feehan | Hagedorn | margin | likely voter | Time-line | House effects | Adjusted margin | |
Oct. 16-20 10/16-20 | SurveyUSA | 586 | LV | 1.69 | 47% | 45% | D+2.0 | — | <0.1 | 0.1 | D+1.9 |
Aug. 23-26 8/23-26 | Harper Polling R | 400 | LV | 0.31 | 33% | 47% | R+14.0 | — | 0.1 | 4.9 | R+9.0 |
Key
A = adults
RV = Registered voters
V = voters
LV = likely voters
= partisan poll
Our district similarity scores are based on demographic, geographic and political characteristics; if two districts have a score of 100, it means they are perfectly identical. These scores inform a system we use — CANTOR, or Congressional Algorithm using Neighboring Typologies to Optimize Regression — to infer what polling would say in unpolled or lightly polled districts, given what it says in similar districts.
Sim. score | Polling avg. | ||
---|---|---|---|
WI-8 | 70 | — | |
NE-1 | 70 | R+16.6 | |
WI-3 | 70 | — | |
IA-1 | 68 | D+8.8 | |
WI-6 | 68 | R+15.2 | |
KS-2 | 67 | D+0.1 | |
IA-4 | 66 | R+6.1 | |
IA-2 | 65 | D+13.3 | |
OH-15 | 64 | — | |
IA-3 | 64 | D+1.6 |
The Classic and Deluxe versions of our model use several non-polling factors to forecast the vote share margin in each district.
Factor | Impact | Explanation |
---|---|---|
District partisanship | 9.1 | MN-1 is 11.0 percentage points more Republican-leaning than the country overall, based on how it has voted in recent presidential and state legislative elections. It voted for Trump in 2016 and Obama in 2012. |
Previous incumbent's margin in last election | 0.1 | A Democrat won by 0.8 percentage points in this district in 2016. Previous district results are not strongly predictive in races without incumbents. |
Generic ballot | 8.6 | Democrats lead by an average of 8.6 percentage points in polls of the generic congressional ballot. |
Fundraising | 3.1 | As of Oct. 17, Dan Feehan had raised $2,579,000 in individual contributions (70% of all such contributions to the major-party candidates); Jim Hagedorn had raised $1,093,000 (30%). |
Candidate experience | 0.0 | Neither Feehan nor Hagedorn has held elected office before. |
Scandals | 0.0 | Neither candidate is involved in a scandal. |
Total | D+2.8 |
The Deluxe version of our model calculates an implied margin for each race based on expert race ratings from The Cook Political Report, Inside Elections and Sabato's Crystal Ball; it then adjusts that margin toward its estimate of the national political environment.
Equivalent Margin | |||
---|---|---|---|
Expert | Rating | Raw | Adjusted |
Cook Political Report | EVEN | D+0.6 | |
Inside Elections | EVEN | D+0.9 | |
Sabato's Crystal Ball | D+6.7 | D+6.3 | |
Average | D+2.2 | D+2.6 |
Nate Silver explains the methodology behind our 2018 midterms forecast. Read more …
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