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Chance the Democrat wins (9.4%)
Chance the Republican wins (90.6%)
We'll be updating our forecasts every time new data is available, every day through Nov. 6.
The Classic version of our model projects a race’s outcome by taking a weighted average of polls of a district (if available), polls of similar districts (CANTOR) and non-polling factors (fundamentals). It is then reverted toward a mean based on long-term trends in midterms and presidential approval ratings.
R+9.0
Adjusted polls
R+4.8
CANTOR
R+7.6
Fundamentals
R+8.1
Experts
R+6.9
Lite
R+8.0
Classic
R+8.0
Deluxe
<0.1
<0.1
Historical adjustment
Key
More weight
Less
We've collected one poll for the South Carolina 1st. We’re adjusting poll results in three ways: Polls of registered voters or all adults are adjusted to a likely-voter basis; older polls are adjusted based on shifts in the generic congressional ballot since the poll was conducted; and polls are adjusted for house effects (the tendency for a firm’s polls to lean toward Democrats or Republicans). Polls with larger sample sizes and those conducted by higher-quality polling agencies are given more weight, as are more recent polls.
Adjustments | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
dates | pollster | sample | weight | Cunningham | Arrington | margin | likely voter | Time-line | House effects | Adjusted margin | |
Aug. 30-31 8/30-31 | Public Policy Polling D | 628 | V | 0.79 | 42% | 49% | R+7.0 | 0.1 | <0.1 | 1.9 | R+9.0 |
Key
A = adults
RV = Registered voters
V = voters
LV = likely voters
= partisan poll
Our district similarity scores are based on demographic, geographic and political characteristics; if two districts have a score of 100, it means they are perfectly identical. These scores inform a system we use — CANTOR, or Congressional Algorithm using Neighboring Typologies to Optimize Regression — to infer what polling would say in unpolled or lightly polled districts, given what it says in similar districts.
Sim. score | Polling avg. | ||
---|---|---|---|
SC-2 | 74 | — | |
NC-2 | 74 | R+8.6 | |
VA-2 | 71 | R+3.5 | |
FL-4 | 71 | — | |
GA-11 | 68 | — | |
VA-1 | 67 | — | |
VA-7 | 66 | R+0.9 | |
FL-3 | 65 | — | |
TX-6 | 65 | R+10.4 | |
IN-5 | 64 | R+6.6 |
The Classic and Deluxe versions of our model use several non-polling factors to forecast the vote share margin in each district.
Factor | Impact | Explanation |
---|---|---|
District partisanship | 15.8 | SC-1 is 18.9 percentage points more Republican-leaning than the country overall, based on how it has voted in recent presidential and state legislative elections. It voted for Trump in 2016 and Romney in 2012. |
Previous incumbent's margin in last election | 1.3 | A Republican won by 21.7 percentage points in this district in 2016. Previous district results are not strongly predictive in races without incumbents. |
Generic ballot | 8.6 | Democrats lead by an average of 8.6 percentage points in polls of the generic congressional ballot. |
Fundraising | 3.4 | As of Oct. 17, Joe Cunningham had raised $1,900,000 in individual contributions (72% of all such contributions to the major-party candidates); Katie Arrington had raised $731,000 (28%). |
Candidate experience | 2.6 | Arrington has held elected office before but Cunningham hasn't. |
Scandals | 0.0 | Neither candidate is involved in a scandal. |
Total | R+7.6 |
The Deluxe version of our model calculates an implied margin for each race based on expert race ratings from The Cook Political Report, Inside Elections and Sabato's Crystal Ball; it then adjusts that margin toward its estimate of the national political environment.
Equivalent Margin | |||
---|---|---|---|
Expert | Rating | Raw | Adjusted |
Cook Political Report | R+6.7 | R+6.1 | |
Inside Elections | R+12.1 | R+11.2 | |
Sabato's Crystal Ball | R+6.7 | R+7.1 | |
Average | R+8.5 | R+8.1 |
Nate Silver explains the methodology behind our 2018 midterms forecast. Read more …
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